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Tourism
and Prostitution
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The
State’s historical interventionist role in the
creation and development of Australian capitalism
is mirrored in it’s ‘official’ and
‘unofficial’ role in the periodic development
of Australian prostitution.
State
intervention and regulation of prostitution is a recurring
fact in Australian history; the earliest examples
appeared almost from the beginnings of penal settlement.
The normal method for State intervention or regulation
lay with the police; one bourgeois sociologist stressed
‘...regardless of whether individual policemen
have profited from it’s proceeds, they act as
supervisors, even managers, of prostitution...’
1
The
police force, being the primary enforcers of the state’s
legal system, can effectively regulate the structure
of prostitution; through enforcing the legal system
— or not, as the case may be — the police
force is an effective instrument for State control
of prostitution. There are many examples of police
‘turning a blind eye’ to many areas of prostitution;
in this way, a degree of State control is exerted
to engineer the desired result.
American
bourgeois sociologists have identified 4 main control
patterns used by the State in it’s official or
‘unofficial’ regulation of American prostitution;
these control patterns, all used in various American
tourist areas like Las Vegas, San Francisco or Dallas,
are all necessary to ensure the continued existence
of prostitution for the benefit of the domestic or
international traveller or for the financial interests
of local capitalists. 2
The
four State regulation patterns, the Laissez Faire
model, the Control model, the Regulation model and
the Zoning model all represent different methods of
State intervention and regulation; however, the Laissez
Faire model is the most widely used State control
method used in the United States.
It’s
method of control is for the legal system to prohibit
prostitution but for the police to turn a blind eye
to it; this could be for a number of reasons. Either
the local court system does not wish the police to
enforce the prostitution laws, the local community
does not want the police to enforce them or perhaps
because the police are being paid to look the other
way. This ‘laissez faire’ model proliferates
in areas where ‘...the economic well being of
the city depends upon adult tourism and conventions,
such as San Francisco, Miami or Las Vegas. It is to
the advantage of a city such as this to cater to the
tourist and conventioneer; therefore, if the existence
of prostitution attracts tourists, many local citizens
will not want to suppress prostitution. Residents
engaged in the tourist business will be willing (tacitly
or actively) to support prostitution as long as it
stays within certain limits. Only when ... an acceptable
incidence of related crime has been exceeded do the
residents of the city demand police action. The laissez
faire attitude of police and local residents extends
only far enough to assure that the city is attractive
but does not frighten away the adult tourist trade...’
3
The
three other methods of State intervention noted by
American bourgeois sociologists — the control
model, the regulation model and the zoning model —
all serve the varying economic requirements of various
local areas; each pattern responds to the various
requirements of local capitalists. The ‘control’
model is a pattern of State control used to describe
the regulatory effects when the police force enacts
the prostitution laws aggressively — and, most
likely, selectively; this pattern of aggressive prohibition
is still prevalent in some US areas where attempts
are made, for example, to prohibit street prostitution
while failing to act against other forms of prostitution,
for example escort agencies or massage parlours. This
method of State intervention, through selectively
policing alternate avenues of prostitution, steers
prostitutes into a desired socio-economic structure.
4
The
‘regulation’ model exists in only a few
areas in the US where prostitution is legalised; this
exists in some rural areas in Nevada in the US, but
also exists in other countries, notably several EEC
countries.
The
‘zoning’ model is used to describe areas
like Kings Cross where prostitutes congregate and
are tolerated by the police force and local capitalists;
this description of State control covers ‘red
light areas’ — or ‘Adult Entertainment
Areas’ as they am known in bourgeois town planning
jargon. Under this method of State regulation, prostitution
is ‘tolerated’ in certain areas while aggressively
policed in other areas, suburban locations for example;
the State thus steers prostitution into various official
or unofficial prostitution areas or ‘zones’,
as desired. 5
These
regulatory attempts to control prostitution —
or to steer it into ‘socially acceptable’
areas — all tend to concentrate solely on the
prohibitive effects of the police force; however,
the police force — while forced to ‘regulate’
the sex industry — plays little or no role in
its construction. That responsibility entirely rests
in other areas; for example, the police force is not
responsible for a town council deciding that it wishes
to concentrate on boosting it’s ‘tourist
potential’. This political-economic decision
solely rests with local capitalists in pursuit of
their own individual economic aims; in Australia,
capitalism is responsible for it’s single minded
pursuit of the international tourist.
The
police force is not responsible for the prevailing
economic treatment of women within a country, either,
the lack of adequate employment alternatives for many
females, the lack of adequate child care facilities
and the lack of adequate education prospects for many
working class females are all political and economic
matters that are beyond the jurisdiction of the police
force. The police are merely called upon to regulate
prostitution for capitalism, but they are not responsible
for the social conditions that are the prerequisite
requirements for prostitution’s continued existence:
that responsibility lies solely with monopoly-capitalism.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The
State’s regulation of prostitution has varied
between the models mentioned above at different times
in Australia. Historically, prostitution has been
regulated at times in ways that best suit the general
needs of capitalism.
In
it’s earliest days as a British penal settlement
there was a grave imbalance between the sexes: males
still outnumbered women 6 to 1 in 1840. Prostitution
was evident from the earliest days, although it is
very likely that many ‘official’ estimates
of prostitution were severely overestimated; one ‘official
estimate’ in 1806 put the total of married women
at 395, with the number of ‘concubines’
at 1,035. It is very likely that much of what officially
passed for prostitution was in fact cohabitation without
marriage; there are excellent historical, class grounds
to support this argument. However, no historian has
yet suggested that no prostitution existed at all
in early Sydney; the only argument is the degree.
The
State’s regulation of prostitution in this period
was, largely, one of ‘non-intervention’
— or the ‘laissez faire’ model previously
mentioned; police rarely took action against brothels
or ‘street’ prostitutes, unless they were
particularly disruptive. Prostitution was unofficially
tolerated in most areas, particularly in mining areas
during the ‘gold rush’ period in the 19th
Century; police normally turned a blind eye to the
existence of brothels in most mining areas.
In
Western Australia, at the turn of the century, the
State had created an ‘unofficial’ series
of segregated areas where prostitution was tolerated;
this was achieved by police regulating the activities
of brothels, acting in the interests of local authorities.
These brothel areas existed not only in mining areas,
where a large imbalance in numbers existed between
men and women, but also in Perth, in it’s infamous
Roe Street; by the 1920s, these areas represented
‘...what was in fact, if not in law, a State-regulated
system of prostitution...’ 6
In
Sydney, in the 1920s, there were large scale criminal
‘wars’ for control of the sex industry.
Again, State intervention played a part in the creation
of the eventual Tilly Devine-Kate Leigh controlled
duopoly; police regulated ‘freelance’ competition
— prostitutes not members of either criminal
faction — through repetitive arrest and other
officially sanctioned methods of regulation and control.
Prostitution was thus steered into one or the other
opposing criminal camps. 7
During
the Second World War there was an outstanding example
of State involvement in the direct expansion of prostitution.
The large number of unattached American soldiers in
Brisbane was creating mounting ‘social pressures’.
‘Honest John’ Curtin, that ‘sensible
Labor fellow’, sprang into action on their behalf.
Arrangements were made with the Sydney underworld,
via the infamous Thommo’s two-up school, to send
a train-load of females to Brisbane to professionally
service the American soldiers. Low wages were to be
paid, with bonus payments to be made via ‘frequency
of entry’. 8
In
Sydney during the same period, US military police
co-operated with the brothel operators in East Sydney
to conduct their operations in a peaceful manner;
military police were routinely stationed outside brothels
to ensure order was kept. Several brothels catered
specifically for negro soldiers; one ‘club’,
the Booker T. Washington Club, was specially opened
to ‘cater’ for negro soldiers. The club
was inundated with female requests for membership;
apparently, the negro soldiers normally ‘...paid
more than twice as much for a prostitute as the white
soldier...’ 9
In
Queensland, licensed brothels operated until 1956;
the state Labor Government — in power at the
time — was an exceptionally ‘pragmatic’
one. 10 In Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, the Kalgoorlie
town council rejected an application to build a new
brothel in the town’s red light area in 1970;
apparently, a new brothel would have introduced a
little too much ‘free enterprise’ competition
into the town’s prostitution!
During
the period of the Vietnam War, the State again demonstrated
it’s periodic intervention and development of
prostitution; Australia was used as a Rest and Recreation
base for American soldiers on leave from Vietnam.
In 1970,78,000 troops on R & R leave came to Australia.
The Economist dryly commented: “... the influx
of R & R has had considerable effect. The average
spending of the troops is high and their presence
has stimulated directly some tourist infrastructure,
particularly around Sydney where it has been centred.
More important, it has illuminated the economic potential
of the tourist industry... “ 11
The
links between the State, business and criminals were
strengthened during this time; corruption was a byword
— especially in Sydney. The period of the 1960s
and 1970s were marked by a continuous stream of ‘underworld’
murders and corruption charges; Askin’s NSW Liberal
government was prominently figured in the period.
However,
there was an element of hypocrisy in the press accusations
of the time: Askin’s handling of the period of
the Vietnam war and it’s influx of soldiers on
R. and R. leave was no more or less ‘pragmatic’
than that of previous governments. However, there
were minor changes in the State regulation of prostitution;
during the period of R and R leave, police tended
to turn a blind eye to ‘street girls’ —
prostitutes not operating from brothels. Detective
Sergeant Brian Rope, a member of the Vice Squad during
the R and R years, noted several years later, in 1977,
that “... whilst Rest and Recreation leave was
being taken in Sydney by the American servicemen there
were far more prostitutes on the streets at that time
than there are today...” 12 The 1960s and early
1970s did see the re-introduction and development
of the — nominally — illegal ‘tourist
infrastructure’ in Australia.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
During
the late 1970s and 1980s, however, the State pragmatically
realized the necessity of expanded ‘tourist infrastructure’,
in line with the generally expected increase in tourist
numbers; the State again intervened to artificially
develop and expand prostitution. Official State organisations
— other than the police — also played a
part in it’s development; Telecom, for example,
began to take advertisements from brothels for inclusion
in the Yellow Pages telephone directory.
Long
term capitalist planners realised the political dangers
the growth of prostitution held for capitalism. They
argued for an engineered change in the public perception
of prostitution; public debate was stimulated.
The
technocratic planners and social engineers led the
way. ‘Liberal’ newspapers devoted long propaganda
articles to the ‘changing public perceptions
of prostitution’; many ‘liberal’ newspapers
gave the ‘legalisation’ versus ‘decriminalisation’
argument propaganda space. Seminars on ‘Victimless
Crimes’ were held and widely promoted; ‘liberal’
views, of course, held sway. One was held in Sydney,
with the former Premier of NSW, Neville Wran, as the
opening speaker.
‘Science’
was also roped into the State’s service; the
State’s plan of engineering a changing ‘public
perception of prostitution’ could only be achieved
with a ‘solid’ theoretical background. Some
bourgeois sociologists — doing all within their
intellectual power to steer capitalism on the correct
course — wrote of historical examples of a ‘prostitute
proletariat’. 13 Other bourgeois social scientists
wrote of ‘Changing Public Policy’ regarding
prostitution, since changes would enable ‘...
a relatively small number of women to cater for the
needs of a large number of men. They would thus provide
a more convenient sexual outlet than exists at the
present for travellers...’ 14 Obviously, the
human rights of young unemployed Australian women
were secondary to the ‘convenient sexual outlets’
required by the visiting tourist or businessman.
The
West Australian state branch of the ALP, in the early
1970s, even spoke of changing Labor Party platforms,
pledging to ‘...take action to ... repeal all
legislation relating to prostitution and, where necessary,
introduce amendments to legislation covering (1) the
control and regulation of business premises and (2)
the conditions of employment ...’ 15 This was
meant, of course, to ensure that prostitutes paid
their income taxes; the state, unlike ‘pimps’,
cannot be prosecuted by police for living off the
earnings of a prostitute!
The
East Sydney branch of the ALP was even more direct
in its support for decriminalisation of prostitution;
they called for the repeal of laws that acted to prevent
people living off the earnings of a prostitute. The
bourgeois nature of ALP politics is illustrated by
their need to repeal the laws as ‘ ... it suggests
there is something wrong with living off the earnings
of a prostitute as such...’ 16 Apparently, in
the East Sydney Branch of the ALP it is perfectly
acceptable to have parasitic vermin living off the
inhuman degradation of capitalism’s victims.
Realizing
the financial returns that were to be gained from
tourism, the NSW Wran government was among the first
to ‘decriminalise’ prostitution in Australia;
the NSW ALP repealed the Summary Offences Act, and
replaced it with the Prostitution Act, 1979. 17 This
was in line with changes occurring in many ‘liberal’
O.E.C.D. countries in Europe. Several of them, West
Germany and Holland, had already passed beyond the
notion of ‘decriminalisation’ and introduced
‘legalisation’. West Germany has the Hamburg
brothel area as a result, with it’s infamous
‘Eros Centres’.
State
social engineers fully realized the necessity of changing
the negative social and legal connotations attached
to male-female prostitution: in the best traditions
of Orwellian Newspeak, the legal system is in the
process of being deliberately altered and rewritten
by monopoly-capitalism to remove much of the criminal
stain attached to prostitution. These moves are fairly
typical of the legal changes occurring in other parts
of the world, notably O.E.C.D. countries.
In
Britain, Margaret Thatcher — the great conservative
— has attempted to revise the criminal law codes
concerning prostitution; the Criminal Law Revision
Committee has presented papers to the British parliament
calling for ‘...the possibility of different
regimes of law being available for adoption by local
authorities, tougher in some areas than the general
law, more relaxed in others. The aim would be to drive
prostitution out of certain areas and allow it to
gravitate to others...’ 18 Britain’s increased
reliance on the ‘tourist dollar’ has forced
the State into action; unfortunately for the poor,
downtrodden English bourgeoisie, many ‘good areas’
are losing their housing prices because of their close
vicinity to brothels or street prostitutes!
By
1980, O.E.C.D. social engineers had already realised
that state planning was necessary to ensure that land
values in selected areas did not depreciate due to
the tourist fired growth in prostitution; they were
publicly debating the best ‘environment’
for the location of brothels and prostitutes. They
argued that run-down ‘dockland’ areas would
be the best environment, as existing land prices in
‘decent’ areas would not be adversely affected!
19
In
Australia, people were just as concerned; after all,
what would it do to housing values if a brothel appeared
in your street? One speaker commented during a seminar
on ‘victimless crimes’ held in 1977: ‘...I
have nothing morally against prostitutes, I never
have had. I believe in live and let live, but the
things that come into this which is never discussed
is land values, right? ... On this reform issue of
legislation of prostitution, is there (going to be)
any decision or discussion on where you are going
to put it? (the Sydney prostitution area)...’
20
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Officially
in certain states in Australia, prostitutes are no
longer ‘prostitutes’ or ‘whores’
but ‘hostesses’ and ‘private entertainers’,
who labour in the ‘personal services industry’;
prostitution is now part of the ‘hospitality
industry’. This rewriting of Australia’s
legal system is well underway; it is a blatant attempt
to officially remove the insane criminal evil attached
to monopoly-capitalism’s long term economic plans.
The
growth in prostitution in the last ten years has been
directly in line with the increase in numbers of tourists
visiting the country. An ever growing number of young
working class boys and girls — primarily girls
— are compelled, through direct force of economic
circumstance, to sell their bodies to overseas tourists
as their sole means of livelihood.
The
State, for its part, has directly encouraged the growth;
youth unemployment has been deliberately maintained
at high levels. Youth unemployment sits at a fairly
constant 20-25%, roughly double the adult rate. The
Hawke Government, in 1987, effectively abolished Unemployment
Benefit for 15, 16 and 17 year olds; this is really
applying the economic screws, as Keating’s ‘dynamic
market forces’ do the dirty work.
However,
despite the State’s economic pressures being
used to increase the size of the sex industry, apparently
there is still a shortage of prostitutes; the ‘official’
propaganda organ of the Sydney sex industry, Naughty
Sydney, in one recent issue carried 18 advertisements
from different brothels, massage parlours or escort
agencies advertising vacancies for prostitutes. The
advertisements included very seductive wording to
attract unemployed young women which stressed the
financial gains to be had; one read: ‘...Earn
like a King, Spend like a Queen, Feel like a Princess.
A warm and helpful welcome to all beginners...’
21 Capitalism offers great financial rewards to those
young unemployed girls who become the sexual playthings
of travelling businessmen and tourists.
Many
suburban Sydney newspapers also take advertisements
for employment in prostitution; for example, The Western
Suburbs Courier and The Glebe and Western Weekly.
A statistical breakdown of the employment advertisements
in both local newspapers will give an indication of
the employment positions available to young women
in the predominantly working-class western suburbs
and the ‘yuppified’ inner suburbs.
One
recent issue of The Western Suburbs Courier carried
24 position vacant advertisements for prostitutes
— or masseurs and escorts as they are known in
Newspeak — but it carried only around 50 advertisements
for all other avenues of skilled or unskilled female
employment, from nursing to secretaries to factory
hands; there were only 3 advertisements for junior
female shop assistants. The advertisements for prostitutes
were deliberately written to be as attractive as possible
to unemployed young women; one advertisement read
‘...Ex-models, waitresses, unemployed etc looking
for better hours, travel incentives, guaranteed to
beat your present income...', while another read ‘...Fast
money, tempted to take the first step? We help you
get started with training, clothing and make-up...’
22 The graph gives an indication of the financial
incentives offered to young unemployed working class
women to become prostitutes; as can be seen, employment
prospects in many areas are extremely thin, with vacancies
for prostitutes representing almost 34% of the total
female employment advertised.
GRAPHIC
However,
in the inner city areas covered by the The Glebe and
Western Weekly, the employment positions have changed
somewhat; prostitution is not quite so high on the
employment agenda. As the following graph shows, prostitution
represents only 17.6% of the total female employment
offered:
GRAPHIC
Both
newspapers have roughly the same circulation figures
(90,000-100,000), so circulation is not primarily
responsible for the differences in the number of employment
vacancies advertised; also, both newspapers mentioned
were published in July, 1988, which is far from the
peak tourist season when it could be expected demand
for prostitutes would be greatest. The only difference
in the newspapers is the areas in which they circulate,
one catering to a predominantly proletarian area while
the other caters for a predominantly ‘middle
class’ area.
Apparently,
in other countries there is also a shortage of prostitutes.
In 1987 two propaganda films were released which attempted
to propagandise the positive employment aspects of
the sex industry. The films, Personal Services from
Great Britain and Working Girls from the United States,
adopted different propaganda lines. Personal Services
took the propagandist strategy of emphasizing the
‘fun’ aspects of prostitution, while Working
Girls attempted to illustrate the ‘radical-feminist’
perspective of the sex industry. The State’s
changed attitude to prostitution is illustrated by
the ease with which these sex industry propaganda
films passed the Australian Censor. Big Brother is
alive and well and is currently attempting to re-engineer
Australian social mores and belief-value systems;
State social engineers are apparently mature enough
to realise the need for a larger Australian sex industry.
The
following graph illustrates the growth in Sydney prostitution,
as witnessed by the number of advertisements in the
Sydney commercial telephone directory between 1978
and 1988; the number of ‘escort agencies’
— both male and female — has increased at
an extraordinary rate. Whether this gives an adequate
indication of the size of the Sydney sex industry
is difficult to assess, as it’s possible there
are many more brothels or escort agencies that don’t
advertise in the Yellow Pages; it is also possible
there were many, many more brothels and escort agencies
existing before Telecom began to take advertisements.
Also, and perhaps most importantly, this graph gives
absolutely no indication of the size of ‘street
prostitution’; it is not possible, at this stage,
to find adequate information on the number of street
prostitutes, as for several years the police force
has not been regularly arresting or imprisoning them.
However, there are excellent grounds for believing
that prostitution is growing in scale to meet the
engineered ‘demand’ for it’s services
by the growth of the tourist industry.
The
actual structure of Sydney prostitution is difficult
to fully assess: much necessary information is not
available. Questions of ownership are not the point
of the article, although it would be very interesting
to discover which prominent Sydney businessmen are
the real owners of much of the industry. The structure
of the industry, however, might illustrate the changing
‘social requirements’ of the tourist trade.
In
one issue of Naughty Sydney, the advertisements paint
a very, very confused picture. There were advertisements
for 115 brothels, 74 escort agencies, 25 sex shops
— selling everything from ‘marital aids’
to ‘lingerie’ — 18 ‘bondage and
discipline’ parlours, 6 strip shows and 6 ‘adult’
cinemas specialising in X-rated pornography.23
When
the actual sexual nature of the assorted brothels,
escort agencies etc is assessed, the picture becomes
even more confusing: 174 of the advertisements were
exclusively catering for male heterosexual ‘patrons’,
19 were catering exclusively for male homosexuals
and 7 advertisements exclusively sought ‘customers’
interested in having sex with male transsexuals. There
were also 18 ads for ‘bondage and discipline’
services; these ‘special services’ were
brothels specialising in sado-masochism — with
lurid names like The House of Dominance, Mistress
Amanda and Salon Kitty‘s. Obviously, many tourists
and businessmen visiting Australia have bizarre sexual
tastes; unfortunately, they are dragging a growing
number of unemployed proletarian youth along with
them. Again, it must be stressed that these advertisements
completely omit street prostitutes.
Whether
the size of Sydney prostitution is indicative of the
comparative size of the industry in other Australian
states is difficult to gauge; the Brisbane and Gold
Coast sex industry, currently the object of the Fitzgerald
inquiry, is still ‘underground’ and adequate
information is difficult to find. Some sources maintain
the Sydney sex industry is larger and better organized
than in other states, as more tourists and businessmen
arrive and stay in Sydney than other cities in other
states. However, it is very, very likely the sex industry
in Queensland — per number of tourists —
is proportionally as large as the Sydney industry.
The
size of the Sydney sex industry has not gone unnoticed
by overseas observers, either; Keith Waterhouse, a
well known bourgeois journalist from Great Britain,
noted during a recent visit to Sydney: ‘...Playboy
may come chastely sealed in clingform but on the same
news-stand you can pick up papers openly advertising
Sydney’s rich profusion of brothels, massage
parlours, fantasy manors and assorted red-light services,
from the discrete Shalene who invites gentlemen to
the intimate surroundings of her home in Croydon,
to the less demure Honeybelle — “Point your
erection in my direction ..."’ 24
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Currently
in N.S.W., the Greiner government publicly appears
to be ‘cracking down’ on prostitution. However,
this ‘crackdown’ is nothing more than a
whitewash. The ‘born again’ morality of
the NSW Liberals is merely a blatant political charade;
as far back as 1968, factions within the Liberal Party
were advocating legalised or decriminalised brothels.25
The
N.S.W. government is merely demonstrating it’s
desire to further regulate prostitution in the interests
of the large-scale sex industry, by using the police
to prevent ‘street’ prostitutes from soliciting
in certain areas. This charade leaves almost the entire
sex industry untouched. If A Touch of Class was closed
— ‘...Sydney’s best known bordello
... haunt of businessmen and politicians...’
as it was described in The Bulletin 26 — it might
give some credence to Greiner’s law and order
claims; however, this is about as likely as Jesus
Christ returning to earth and performing handstands
across Sydney Harbour.
By
regulating street prostitution, through arresting
and fining street prostitutes, while leaving all other
elements of the sex industry untouched, the State
is attempting to get prostitutes off the streets and
into brothels. All prostitutes are not equal before
the law; the police are again being used in NSW to
help restructure Sydney prostitution. The State is
merely using a mixture of the ‘zoning’ and
‘control’ methods of regulation mentioned
previously. Next year should see yet another massive
increase in the number of ‘Escort Agencies’
advertising in the Sydney Yellow Pages, if the restructuring
is a success.
As
can be seen, at many times in the past the State has
played a directly interventionist role in the sex
industry; however, at no time in the past has the
State played so great a regulatory role as it is currently
playing. The State is not only acting as pimp, through
it’s taxation of prostitutes’ earnings,
it is also acting as procurer through it’s single
minded pursuit of the ‘tourist dollar’.
Through the economic continuation of high levels of
youth unemployment, the State is artificially ensuring
it’s continued growth; the State is directly
stimulating it’s increase in size.
Where
many times in Australia’s past the State merely
officially or unofficially regulated prostitution,
the sex industry is now not a ‘necessary evil’
but a State sanctioned drawcard. Prostitution has
‘progressed’ from being a by-product of
other political-economic changes occurring in the
capitalist economy to being a primary and essential
feature of restructured monopoly-capitalism. Prostitutes
attract tourists, and what attracts tourists is good
for capitalism; therefore, prostitution is good for
capitalism. Prostitution has ‘progressed’
from being politically tolerated to being an economic
pre-requisite. This has no precedent in Australia’s
history.
Some
Australian corporate economists and politicians are
currently discussing the possibility of a ‘tourist-led’
economic recovery: unfortunately, the State’s
‘economic miracle’ — and it is impossible
for any real recovery to actually occur under capitalism
— looks much closer to being a Sisters of Dominance
-led economic recovery. The Australian sex industry
stands as a monument to the criminally insane ruling
class of pre-revolutionary monopoly-capitalism; after
all, they engineered it’s creation as ‘necessary
tourist infrastructure’.
The
future of Australian monopoly-capitalism now rests
in the sexual desirability of unemployed girls and
boys; the Australian bourgeoisie feel no remorse about
condemning a growing number of working class children
to lives of bestial, sordid degradation. The capitalist
state — through taxing prostitutes’ income
while simultaneously maintaining high youth unemployment
and searching near and far for the tourist dollar
— has become one of the largest procurers and
pimps in the world.
Notes
1.
... Kay Daniels, So Much Hard Work — Women and
Prostitution in Australian History, Fontana-Collins.
p8
2.
... Helen Reynolds, The Economics of Prostitution,
Thomas Books.
3.
... ibid. p37
4.
... ibid. p157-180
5.
... ibid. p129-156
6.
... Kay Daniels, So Much Hard Work. p8, p162-191
7.
... ibid. p192-232
8.
... John Hammond Moore,Over-sexed, Over-paid &
Over Here: Americans in Australia 1941-1945, U.Q.P.
p216
9.
... David Hickie, The Prince and the Premier, Angus
and Robertson Publishers. p203-204
10.
... Paul Wilson, The Sexual Dilemma — Abortion,
Homosexuality, Prostitution and the Criminal Threshold,
U.Q.P. p152
11.
... International Tourism Quarterly. No 3 1971, The
Economist Intelligence Unit Ltd p24
12.
... Seminar on Victimless Crimes, Transcript of Proceedings,
Publishing Advisory Service, Dept. of Services. p120
13.
... Kay Daniels, So Much Hard Work p192-232
14.
... Paul Wilson, The Sexual Dilemma. p152
15.
... Seminar on Victimless Crimes, Background Papers,
Publishing Advisory Service, Dept. of Services. p240
16.
... Australian Labor Party, East Sydney Branch, Submission
to the Select Committee Apon Prostitution of the Parliament
of N.S.W. p17
17.
... The Australian Law Journal, Vol. 53, No. 9, September
1979. p606-608
18.
... Criminal Law Revision Committee 17th Report —
Prostitution: Off Street Activities, Her Majesty’s
Stationery Office, London. p2
19.
... Journal of Planning and Environment Law, September
1980. p578-582
20.
... Seminar on Victimless Crimes, Transcript of Proceedings.
p143
21.
... Naughty Sydney, April 22.1998. Vol. 2, issue 12.
p36-37
22.
... The Western Suburbs Courier, July 13. 1988. p43
23.
... Naughty Sydney, April 22. 1988. Vol. 2. issue
12. p18-40
24.
... The Bulletin, January 26. 1988. p14
25.
... Paul Wilson, The Sexual Dilemma. p79
26.
... The Bulletin, January 26. 1988. p24
Reference
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